“Regime Change” — the new book from New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan — is the latest in a very long line of books promising a behind-the-scenes look at a presidency. Their book has only a few of the dishy details one often finds in these volumes. But as readers learn about the dynamic between President Donald Trump and the loyalists who surround him, a genuinely sinister picture emerges. The president has finally created an administration that works exactly how he wants it to, and the result is a vicious cycle of incompetence and moral corruption.

In short, everything about how the White House operates exacerbates Trump’s most pernicious instincts and character flaws. His aides enable him to be the worst version of himself, and in turn he makes them the worst version of themselves. 

That’s not to say “Regime Change” is bereft of gossipy anecdotes. Haberman and Swan write that in his bedroom, Trump “would frequently leave an array of empty potato chip bags, Starbucks wrappers, and ice cream cartons in the trash, or on the floor,” and for some reason was “sometimes throwing out White House sterling silver utensils.” We also learn that Trump’s hearing has declined — hardly surprising for someone who just turned 80 — and that is why joint press conferences with visiting dignitaries or other leaders are now often held in the Oval Office rather than the larger East Room.

But the big story is in the cocoon of sycophancy Trump has built around himself, with dire consequences for the country. 

That cocoon was being constructed from the moment Trump began staffing up his second administration. We know how much Trump has always valued loyalty, but as Haberman and Swan report, “there was a new acid test: January 6.” Anyone seeking a place near the center of power had to say it was the act of patriots who were subsequently abused by the Biden administration. That weeded out anyone with a real commitment to American democracy. And it forced everyone to publicly proclaim a lie. When you abandon your integrity in that way, you become much more willing to do terrible things in the future.

Play

Even in this administration, to be clear, now and again someone will raise a doubt or gently suggest a different course to Trump. Haberman and Swan describe Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent urging the president to say publicly he had no intention of firing Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell in order to calm the markets. Todd Blanche, who was deputy attorney general at the time, tells Trump there were no grounds to indict New York Attorney General Letitia James, despite Trump’s insistence on revenge against her. But the moments of dissent are few and far between, and Trump can only be constrained for a moment; he did get his bogus indictment of James, for instance, a case that quickly fell apart.

The result is an administration full of people who either agree with Trump’s most self-destructive impulses or know that objections are all but pointless. “Few if any of Trump’s aides disagreed with the idea of sending in the [National] Guard” to American cities to enforce immigration law, Haberman and Swan report — but that militarization of immigration enforcement has proved disastrous. The authors note that the tone of official White House communications with the press — “abusive, offensive, trolling — had been set from the top and set from the start.” While it may represent the true MAGA spirit, no one in the administration seems to have considered whether it carries any actual political benefit. 

Internal debate is nowhere to be found, at least not that Trump will ever see.  When Trump suggests that the U.S. take possession of Gaza — a self-evidently ludicrous notion — no one disagrees. “That’s a good idea, right? We’ll just own Gaza,” Trump says, then turns to communications director Steven Cheung and says, “You like the idea, right?” Cheung responds, “It’s a strong move.” Privately, some Trump aides were more realistic. “Legitimately nutso,” a senior aide told Haberman and Swan. “But very on brand.”

Paul Waldman

Paul Waldman is a journalist and author focused on politics and culture.