Why I voted against further U.S. aid to Israel

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Last weekend, as I stood in the ruins of Khirbet Zanuta, a Palestinian Bedouin village demolished by settler attacks, a car carrying armed men pulled up and blocked the road. 

After roughly 20 minutes, Israeli soldiers arrived. I assumed they came to help me and my aide pass. Instead, they moved one of their vehicles to block the road. I was with my aide Cam Kasky and seven others, including a driver, a New York Times photographer and security. We were held there for about 90 minutes, as the New York Times, the Jerusalem Post and many other media outlets have confirmed.

I was released because I am a member of Congress, and David Brownstein, the deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem, heroically intervened. Palestinians do not get to make calls for such help. 

Three photos of armed men standing near pickup trucks
Photos taken by Rep. Ro Khanna’s staff showing armed Israeli settlers blocking the only road out of Khirbet Zanuta on July 8, 2026. Courtesy Rep. Khanna’s staff

For three days last week I traveled through the West Bank and listened to Palestinians describe their lives. No one decided in advance what I would be allowed to see. I witnessed the indignities Palestinians endure, the contempt they are treated with every day and the violence of Israeli settlers. I’m sharing my experiences both to help people understand the horrors Palestinians are living through and to give context to my vote for a House amendment on Israeli aid that was defeated Wednesday.

In Bethlehem, the wall runs over 400 miles, most of it well inside the West Bank rather than along any border. It cuts through Palestinian villages and farmland, walling families off from their own fields, schools and relatives. On one side are Israeli settlers. On the other are Palestinians. Yet both sides are the West Bank.

Palestinian Muslim worshippers wait to cross the closed Israeli army checkpoint at the Israeli separation barrier during the holy month of Ramadan in the occupied West Bank town of Bethlehem.
Palestinian Muslim worshippers wait to cross the closed Israeli army checkpoint at the Israeli separation barrier during the holy month of Ramadan in the occupied West Bank town of Bethlehem on Oct. 5, 2007. Musa Al-Shaer / AFP via Getty Images

In the old city of Hebron, Palestinians walk under a canopy of metal netting they devised. It is there to protect against the bricks and stones that settlers living above hurl down. It catches the solid objects. It does not stop the urine, acid or rotting garbage that are also heaved at fellow humans. 

I toured Hebron with Hisham Sharabati, a Palestinian journalist who was shot by the Israeli military in 1994. He led me past shops that have been welded shut on military orders and streets barricaded with barbed wire that used to hold bustling markets. Hebron is the third-largest Palestinian city and the region’s commercial hub. In the area the Israeli army controls, hundreds of businesses have closed and thousands of residents have left. The remaining residents live under constant restriction. People told me they are afraid to move through their own city. The army can declare any street a closed military zone at any time and order people back inside their homes.

In Beit Sahour, a man named George Rishmawi walked me to the edge of town, one mile from the Church of the Nativity. He showed me a settlement rising on the land where his community and American playwrights had planned to stage “The Passion of the Christ.” Settlers confiscated the land just a few months ago. Now the play cannot happen, and the town cannot build anything else.

A net installed in the Old City to prevent garbage dropped by Israeli settlers into a Palestinian area as an Israeli soldier patrols an open-air market in Hebron, West Bank.
A net installed in the Old City to prevent garbage dropped by Israeli settlers into a Palestinian area as an Israeli soldier patrols an open-air market on July 18, 2022, in Hebron, West Bank. Franco Origlia / Getty Images

This is also where the water runs out. In these hills a Palestinian family is allotted about 50 liters a day, or roughly 13 gallons, while a settlement a kilometer away is allotted 400 liters. This is apartheid. 

The theft is not limited to water. In Turmus Ayya, I met a lawyer from Anaheim, California, named Yaser Alkem. He told me that Palestinian Americans who split their lives between the United States and the West Bank own roughly 80% of that village. He walked me to the outposts going up on Palestinian land, outposts that are illegal even under Israeli law. One began as a single tent on the edge of the village. Now there are several tents, pushing inward. He showed me where the Israeli military seized some 10,000 acres. Soldiers arrive, declare the land a closed military zone and lock the owners out, he said. When I asked how settlers are allowed to live in a closed military zone, I was told that the Israeli army says they can. 


Yaser has been attacked before. Settlers smashed his car and clubbed a female passenger. A man was detained for a week over the attack and then released. This is a microcosm for understanding how such coveted land changes hands — by making life frightening enough that the American owners stop coming back. Down the road in al-Mazra’a ash-Sharqiya, I heard similar horror stories. Americans there own the land they live on and said they have seen settlers burn their olive groves and set their cars on fire — and that when they called our embassy for help, they are usually ignored.

In Turmus Ayya, I sat with the father of a boy named Amer Rabee. Amer was born in New Jersey 14 years ago. On April 6, he was picking almonds with two friends when Israeli soldiers fired on them. The three boys were shot 36 times. Everything in Amer’s bedroom is untouched. An American child  was killed, and the U.S. government has not gotten his family so much as an investigation.

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